Europe is experiencing an increasingly costly and destructive problem with its non-Western immigrant populations – particularly those from Muslim countries.
A new study shows that on a net migration of 25,000 non-Western immigrants per year, with an equal number of offspring, Holland alone incurs a net cost of €7.2 billion [$8.8 billion] a year.
In Denmark, looking at tax-payments vs. welfare benefits only, an average immigrant from a 3rd world country (not only Muslim countries) results in a net balance of minus USD 5.200 each year. Muslims in particular add a host of other expenses incurred e.g. from increased crime rates and from having to deal with illnesses that are the results of marriages between first cousins – a common practice in the Middle East that they have brought with them.
And it doesn’t get better with time. The price tag coming with the 2nd generation is only 2 per cent smaller.
A common explanation of the increased crime – and violent crime in particular – is that it is caused by war trauma but I don’t buy that argument. 2nd World War did not lead to crime waves among veterans or their children on neither side of the conflict. The same went for Jews.
One factor does, however, hold explanatory power: If the crime index of all people living in Denmark is 100, then a composite of people coming from ten mostly non-Muslim countries (Denmark, Germany, Poland, Sweden, Great Britain, Norway, Iceland, USA, Vietnam, Sri Lanka, China and Thailand) produce a crime index of 76.6. A composite of ten mostly Muslim countries (Turkey, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Yugoslavia, Somalia, Morocco, Iraq Pakistan, Lebanon, Iran and Afghanistan) give a crime index of 192.9.
Morocco 255, Lebanon 243, Yugoslavia 242, Somalia 227, Iraq 129, Iran 186, and Afghanistan 116.
Moroccans have much higher crime rates than people from war-torn Iran, Iraq, Afghanistan and, not to speak of, Vietnam.
A study of 45.000 teenagers from across Germany concluded that boys growing up in religious Muslim families are more likely to be violent than others. Even when other social factors were taken into account, there remained a significant correlation between religiosity and readiness to use violence. The correlation was only found with Muslim boys. Not with other religions and not with girls
Below are two accounts of life in schools dominated by Muslims. The first is an article about a school in Denmark that appeared in the largest left-leaning newspaper here. It is written by Hana Al-Khambri and translated in part by me.
The second is a German documentary with English subtitles about a school in Essen where Muslims compose a large numerical majority. Both accounts deal with the reasons for the high violence and crime rates but have different ways of explaining them. The newspaper article says that crime happens in protest against the parents and their cultures and the documentary says it happens as a direct logical consequence of and supported by parents and their cultures.
We are Only Danish on Paper
Walking down the hall of the school of Humlehaveskolen in Vollsmose Denmark I meet a girl who is no more than perhaps eight years old. She is wearing a headscarf. It is the first time in my life I have seen such a small girl wearing a headscarf. Not even in Saudi Arabia where I grew up did I see such a thing. A teacher tells me that the parents of the girl are trying hard to shield her from influences from the Danish society.
At Humlehaveskolen about 90 percent of students are of immigrant background. The girl with the scarf is perfect example of the struggle constantly going on at school and in the students’ heads. The girls and boys I meet at the school concurrently relate to me how complicated and confusing it is to have to live up to the expectations, norms and demands posed by their families and, at the same time, live up to the demands of the Danish society to get an education and integrate.
The school’s principal, Olav Nielsen, is a well-known figure in Vollsmose. Besides the job as principal of the school he also works with young inmates in prison – several of whom are former students of his school.
“Many of the kids here come from tough conditions. Some have seen their parents get killed in front of them. Others have parents who were exposed to torture or are traumatized by war experiences,” he says.
On the wall there is a Palestinian flag and pictures of his former students. And a bird cage with a parrot. Olav points at it and says: “It belongs to one of my students. He is prison now and I promised to take care of it while he is gone.”
Olav explains that the kids’ backgrounds make them vulnerable:
“The mothers rarely have any education since they were married off at a young age. Most of the families living here have suffered some form of damage or other – physically, mentally or psychologically. We even have some kids who fled here on their own or with their brothers and sisters.”
Olav takes me to meet a class 9th graders. There are 18 students but not a single one is of ethnically Danish.
They can all relate similar stories of how they ended up in Denmark. Most of them came here when they were small.
I ask why so many of the older boys become trouble makers.
“I think they do crime and cause problems because they are in a difficult situation at home,” says Khaled and adds that he feels that he only does what his family wants him to.
His voice is sad. Khaled’s teacher points out that Khaled does have good parents who care about the future of their son.
Amojgar who comes Iraqi Kurdistan raises his finger and says:
“Some have lost their parents. Others come from divorced homes. They make all that trouble to prove that they are strong and can act – even if it has to take place on the street.”
Khaled interrupts him and says that he thinks that the teenagers who make trouble are first and foremost reacting against strict rules in their families who constantly tell them what to do and who to hang out with.
“We hear nothing but ‘no’. They want to control us and so there are many young boys who become defiant and disobedient. As a kind of protest against their families,” he says.
Khaled’s family does not want him to have Danish friends. Why, he does not know.
“They don’t listen to me. They just want me to do what they themselves think is best for me”.
I notice that the boys are answering most of my questions. The girls rarely raise their hands but I want to know what they think. Even when I pose direct questions to the girls, no one answers. Olav Nielsen, the principal, suggests that the boys leave the room.
When I am alone with the girls I ask why they don’t want to say something when the boys are around.
“We are too shy and sometimes we get comments from the boys if they don’t like our opinions, and we don’t like that”, says Asia, a Somali girl with a purple head scarf. Six of the girls wear scarves, three do not.
Najah, a Palestinian girl, says that “the boys’ problems come from them having much more freedom than we do”.
Hafsa, a Somali girl, disagrees.
“It is because the parents’ control goes on their nerves that they act out”.
Hafsa introduces herself:
“I am from Denmark,” but then changes her mind and corrects herself: “No, that was wrong. I am from Somalia.”
Her friends start laughing when she stresses once again that she is not Danish.
The girls in the class come from Palestine, Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and Somalia.
“We are only Danish on Paper,” says Hafsa. “Not in reality”.
The article is written by Hana Al-Khamri who hails from Yemen and has lived most of her life on Saudi Arabia. She has visited the (notorious ghetto) town of Vollsmose (outside Odense in Denmark) and the people who live there. (…)
“I am back in the Arab world. That is my first impression when coming to Vollsmose. It does not, however, resemble any Arab country I know. It is as if the Arab Vollsmose is stuck in the type of life that the first immigrants brought with them to Denmark, while the Arab countries have moved on and developed.”